On a sweltering September night, Mexican immigration officials loaded hundreds of migrants into a bus headed south from a remote military station situated 25 miles south of Ciudad Juarez in the Mexican desert. Seen by a Reuters reporter on September 24, this scene shows one of the hundreds of like-minded operations currently underway across Mexico as part of the nation’s biggest migration crackdown to date. Along with detentions and rigorous administrative policies, the crackdown marks an unparalleled program whereby immigrants are bused or flown to Mexico’s southern areas, far from the U.S. border. Public records describe the steps, which are verified by conversations with more than a dozen U.S. and Mexican officials.
Along with the National Guard, members of Mexico’s National Institute of Migration (INM) handle moving these migrants away from the northern border. Underlining the seriousness of the operation, in one incident caught by Reuters police stood guard as immigrants were loaded onto buses at a checkpoint outside Ciudad Juarez. As the U.S. gets ready for its November 5 presidential contest, border security is a major topic of concern for which Republican contender Donald Trump has a polling edge over Democratic competitor and present vice president Kamala Harris. This heightened effort reflects this. Political analysts believe that public opinion may be influenced by impressions of the security of the border, particularly considering that Mexico’s efforts have resulted in a notable drop in the number of migrants caught by U.S. authorities—currently at its lowest level since 2020.
Mexico has caught around 100,000 immigrants monthly since January, a record number. Analysts say the deterrent approach is meant to wear out immigrants, which forces them to rethink crossing before arriving in the United States. Five Mexican officials admitted that the goal is to design a difficult enough path whereby immigrants give up on their attempts. Internal records indicate Mexico will bring a third more migrants to its southern states by 2024. Venezuelan José Díaz, one of these immigrants, was arrested in Tijuana and then taken over 2,000 miles to Villahermosa, a three-day trip, only to start the difficult journey north once more.
The forceful actions have begged moral questions. Legal and human rights organizations highlight the exhausting nature of the repeated trips as incompatible with the government’s publicly declared humanitarian approach to migration, even if the Mexican government insists the project is targeted at protecting migrants from human traffickers. Nonetheless, recent comments made by Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum reinforce the government’s declared aim of avoiding becoming a political focal point for the U.S. election.
Under great pressure from the United States, which temporarily banned important trade channels into Mexico in December and predicted daily losses of $100 million for the Mexican economy, the crackdown started. The closures indicated the economic cost and sent a strong diplomatic warning as American officials were sent to tackle migratory concerns. Later calls between American President Joe Biden and his Mexican counterpart confirmed Mexico’s intention to intensify its migratory tactics. Although Mexico acted independently, the U.S. State Department noted that the shutdown was essentially compelling action from Mexico, a view shared by top Mexican officials who saw the approach as a tool to apply economic pressure.
Mexico responded by restarting and stepping up its busing program in January, adding more inspections along northern-bound railroads and highways. A $30 million INM funding helped discount carrier VivaAerobus to carry immigrants southward. Along with other technical changes, Mexican officials clarified that this decision shows Mexico’s will to cooperate with U.S. demands while trying to avoid big migration discussions in the next U.S. election.
Public statistics draw attention to the limited administrative space migrants today must navigate. In 2024 Mexico issued 97% less humanitarian permits, and the number of offices handling these permits has dropped significantly. Refugee applications dropped 50% in the first nine months of the year, suggesting a major backlog. Legal experts characterize the administrative obstacles as deliberate attempts to deter northward migration by restricting access to choices for asylum applicants and so limiting available documents for migrants.
Reuters caught pictures of migrants being driven in white commercial buses with some people detained in handcuffs during the operation at the Samalayuca checkpoint close to Ciudad Juarez. Monterrey, from which immigrants were supposed to board aircraft southward, was thought to be the final stop. Legal consultants to immigrants have expressed worries about what they refer to as “illegal” busing tactics, noting incidents where people were detained and moved without official documentation or consular access, therefore circumventing accepted legal procedures.
Although the Biden government’s asylum limits help to lessen U.S. border fears, analysts such as Wayne Cornelius of the University of California-San Diego stress that Mexico’s initiatives have been just as crucial in cutting migrant numbers. Declaring that the initiatives reflect Mexico’s own objectives, not outside coercion, the foreign ministry refutes any U.S. funding participation in these operations.
Along with restrictions on legal migration procedures, Mexico’s enhanced busing program has changed the migratory scene and tested the resiliency of innumerable migrants who now travel a nearly impossible north. The efficacy and ethical questions of this strategy will probably remain divisive as Mexican officials maintain their crackdown and migrants stay determined, with long-lasting consequences for U.S.-Mexico relations as well as migration policy in the region.
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